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For the pharmaceutical industry, price is
the most important factor contributing to profit, more
than any other component of its activity. There has been
regular complaints from pharmaceutical industry
associations in India that the Drug Prices Control Order
(DPCO) of the government, which seeks to impose a ceiling
on the maximum retail price of selected drugs, is a major
obstacle to investment in the pharmaceuticals sector.
This theme has been recurrently played upon ever since
1970, when the first effective control on drug prices was
enforced. However, that did not prevent the growth of the
drug industry from a total production (bulk drugs plus
formulations) of around Rs. 6 billion at that point of
time to nearly Rs. 127 billion in 1995-96. It is now
being argued that following the liberalization policy of
the government, DPCO has become redundant and like some
industrially developed countries there should be no
governmental control on drug prices. Rather, drug pricing
should be left to self regulation by market forces. These
arguments, however, conceal vital facts and there is much
to be said in favor of continuing price control in India
at present. Price
control in developed countries
PhRMA, an USA based drug industry association,
lamented that, "In most European Countries and Japan
the government is the largest purchaser of
pharmaceuticals. Governments use their power to negotiate
or set up prices on pharmaceutical products. Research
based pharmaceutical companies are prohibited from
charging a free market price for their products. The
resulting price control distorts the market for
pharmaceuticals and undermines the vitality of the
European and Japanese pharmaceutical industries.1
However, in that very country, health insurers
negotiate and finalize drug prices with manufacturers and
companies that manage prescription drug benefits of the
health plan, known as Pharma Benefits Managers (PBMs).
These PBMs in turn control profit limit of the insurers'
network of pharmacists (retailers). Government health
care responsibility and reimbursement to the retailers of
prescription drugs oblige the manufacturers to negotiate
prices. There are several instances where the US
government has influenced price recovery from the
manufacturers. "During the first 5 months of 1996,
the total amount that the retail pharmacists were paid
for the prescriptions they dispensed to enrollees
affected by the benefit change decreased by about 36%, or
about $95 million, from the amount paid during the same
period in 1995".2 Now, the Clinton
administration is trying to substitute indirect control
by direct control of drug prices of prescription drugs by
'unitary pricing'. This would eliminate the free market
system and would establish a regulatory environment in
which drug companies would be required to sell to all
purchasers at the same price.
Twelve out of the 16 West European countries control
prices of individual drugs directly. All 16 have schemes
for reimbursing health care cost, thus indirectly helping
price control. The proposed price of a new drug is
compared with its available alternatives and decisions
made accordingly. Many countries also control prices by
putting a limit to the profits a company can make. The
government in most of these countries is responsible for
caring for the health of the people directly. The
manufactures are forced to keep price low so that the
drug is kept on a high reimbursement list and thus
prescribed more frequently. Moreover price changes are
heavily regulated and reviewed. The government is also
empowered to lower prices. In UK, the Department of
Health's Pharmaceuticals Price Regulation Scheme
determines target profit levels individually for each
company based on its contribution to the UK economy.
Excessive profit gain is corrected either by a reduction
in prices or by directly reimbursing the excess profit to
the Department of Health.
Drug price control in
India - bulk drugs
In India successive DPCOs reflect a declining trend
in the control basket. The process started with control
of all drugs in 1970. It was reduced to 347 drugs in
1978, further to 163 drugs in 1987 and finally to 73
drugs in 1994. Through regulatory control on post tax
return on net worth was imposed on bulk drugs, most
companies flouted it and submitted tailored data to the
Bureau of Industrial Costs and Pricing (BICP).
Immediately after the 1986 policy, through public
interest litigation, it was revealed that Hoechst, Glaxo,
Pfizer, etc. had highly overcharged some of their bulk
drugs. Thereafter, a large number of companies were found
to be overcharging for both bulk drugs and formulations.
The Supreme Court directed the governmental to recover
this excess profit from the drug companies, amounting to
Rs. 20 million in 1987, and deposit the same to a Drug
Prices Equalizing Account (DPEA). Some of the drug
companies started paying partly to Government, others
simply killed time and then refused to pay. Pfizer, in
their balance sheet of 1993, had earmarked nearly Rs. 50
million to pay back the government and managed tax relief
but never paid anything to the government thereafter.
Complaints and cases poured in continuously on the
violation of the order. In 1994 the government announced:
"A three member committee has been appointed under
the chairmanship of Justice R. L. Gupta, a sitting Judge
of the Delhi High Court, vide the resolution of the
government published in the official gazette on
21/3/1994, to review the entire matter of recoveries from
drug companies in DPEA".3 But since then
nothing has been done in recovering this excess illegal
profit which the government terms as "unintended
profit".
Recent reporting in the newspapers on this issue states
that "the tenure of Drug Prices Review Committee has
been extended up to June, 1998 for settling the Rs. 220
crores (Rs. 2.2 billion) unpaid dues by the
pharmaceutical industry under Drug Prices Equalization
Account (DPEA). The pharmaceutical industry has
challenged the government's claim under DPCO. However,
the Supreme Court in a case between Department of
Chemicals & Fertilizers and Cyanamid company had
upheld the validity of provisions under DPCO.
Notwithstanding the Supreme Court verdict and appointment
of DPRC, the government could not obtain much result in
realization from the industry. According to an official
release, till date only Rs. 22 crores (Rs. 0.22 billion)
has been deposited by the industry." 4
When the drug companies were found distinctively
overcharging certain drugs and the Supreme Court had
ordered recovery of the excess profit, the Government
could have at least asked for reduction of prices of
these drugs. Instead steady rise of prices was allowed.
This has set up a runaway reaction in flouting price
control orders.
Drug price control in
India - formulations
The industry has repeatedly made petitions that the
formula for price control in DPCO has been faulty and
companies have incurred loss due to this process of
calculation. The formula for retail price (RP) can be
examined in the following manner:
RP = (RM + PM + PC + CC)
(1 + MAPE/100)
where
RM = Raw material cost
PM = Packing material cost
PC = Packing cost
CC = Conversion cost
Maximum allowable profit
exemption (MAPE) now being 100
RP = (RM + PM + PC + CC)
(1+ 100/100)
i.e. RP = (RM + PM + PC + CC) X 2
The above calculation
shows that in the event of increase of RM, PM, PC or CC,
by a single unit, the drug companies are allowed to
charge twice to that.
In each drug policy large concessions have been given to
the drug industry by knocking out more drugs from the
price control basket. Following the 1994 DPCO
announcement nearly all drugs released from the basket
underwent immediate price rise and the hikes in many
cases were phenomenally high - sometimes as much as 200%
to 300%. The Government's statement in this respect is as
follows "During the five months period of September
1995 to February 1996 the increase of wholesale prices
(1981-82 base) shows an increase of 0.4% for the price of
drugs and medicines against an increase of 4.0% of all
commodities."5 The stated 0.4% rise in
index does in no way reflect the real increase. A study
of over 820 brands in different therapeutic categories
was made and the results have been captured in a CDMU
Documentation Centre database. Prices here were compared
to pre-DPCO, February, 1994 and post-DPCO, February,
1995, which approximately tallies with the period used by
the government. Prices were found to have increased
anywhere from 1% to 300%. The same analysis updated to
March, 1998 shows further hike in prices.
Therefore, barring a few antibiotics, non-steroidal anti
inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) and some gastrointestinal
drugs, prices of almost all drugs from most therapeutic
categories have increased. The price control mechanism of
the government has been an utter failure. This fact was
corroborated by the government in a note circulated by
the Department of Chemicals and Fertilizers in November,
1997, stating that, "Experience has shown that
product wise price control has led to stagnation in terms
of newer products and to proliferation of existing
products in numerous different strengths and pack sizes,
creating confusion in the minds of consumers as also
rendering price control system impractical ...... there
is inadequate machinery for administering price control
with the existing set up. The government is able to fix
prices of about 2000 to 2500 packs per year against the
25,000 packs estimated to be under price control."
It clearly shows that the government can monitor only 10%
of the drugs for which price revisions are sought. In
fact, no cost data is now analyzed for price revision
applications but an automatic approval comes if the
government does not respond within 3 months of
application. There is, in essence, no price control
system existing now.
Myth of least prices
The Indian national sector industry has always
claimed that prices of drugs are lowest here. Though it
is a fact that the prices of drugs in India is low in
comparison to many countries it is certainly not the
lowest. The Indian drug industry deserves credit for
producing almost all essential drugs but prices are not
cheaper than those of our neighboring countries like
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, etc. Even if we compare prices of
drugs which are procured by international agencies like
UNICEF and some international distributing housed, we
will observe that in dollar terms their prices are
cheaper than any brands available in India. Some examples
are given in Table 1.
Table 1: Comparison
of international and Indian prices of some drugs in 1996
| Drug and strength |
Unit |
Supplier |
International
price
(US $) |
Indian price (US
$) |
| Amoxicillin 500
mg |
100 Tablets |
UNICEF |
6.84 |
18.59 |
| Cefalexin 250 mg |
100 Capsules |
KCR |
8.60 |
14.00 |
| Cefuroxime 750 mg |
10 Vials |
ECHO |
20.88 |
36.50 |
| Chloramphenicol
250 mg |
100 Capsules |
UNICEF |
2.13 |
5.71 |
| Furosemide 40 mg |
100 Tablets |
Cross |
0.62 |
0.95 |
| Nifedipine 10 mg |
100 Tablets |
Cross |
3.14 |
21.14 |
US$ 1.00 was
taken as Rs. 35.00 (1996 rates)
Date source: International Drug Price Indicator Guide:
Management Sciences for Health; 1997.
Table
2: Cost of therapy with some recently introduced
drugs
| Drug |
Representative
brand |
Dosage form |
Cost of therapy
in Indian rupees |
| Adenosine |
ADENOJECT |
Inj 6 mg/2ml |
6 mg IV bolus;
single dose; Rs. 210.00 |
| Artesunate |
ARNATE |
Tab 50 mg |
2 tab bid * 1d,
then 1 tab bid * 4d; Rs. 180.00 |
| Enoxaparin |
CLEXANE |
Inj PFS 20 mg/0.2
ml. 40 mg/0.4 ml |
40 mg SC * 7d,
Rs. 2080.00 |
| Itraconazole |
SPORANOX |
Cap 100 mg |
2 cap * 7d; Rs.
242.20 |
| Lovastatin |
LOVALIP |
Tab 10 mg. 20 mg |
1 tab (20 mg) *
60d; Rs. 780.00 |
| Paclitaxel |
INTAXEL |
Inj 30 mg, 100 mg
- vials |
Each IV infusion
at 175 mg/m2 (total 260 mg); Rs.
20530.00 |
| Piperacillin |
PIPRACIL |
Inj 2 g, 4 g -
vials |
Inj 8 g IV daily
in divided doses * 7 d; Rs. 6041.84 |
| Roxithromycin |
ROXID |
Tab 150 mg |
1 tab bid * 7 d;
Rs. 153.30 |
| Sparfloxacin |
SPARLOX |
Tab 200 mg |
2 tab + 1 tab * 7
d; Rs. 206.00 |
| Terbinafine |
LAMISIL |
Tab 250 mg |
1 tab * 14 d; Rs.
1247.00 |
Abbreviations
are standard; PFS = Pre-filled syringe
Cost of therapy excludes local taxes and is only
approximate since the dose and duration of treatment may
vary.
Date Source: Current Index of Medical Specialities
(CIMS), No. 62, July-Sep, 1998
If import restrictions are
lifted, it will not take much time for traders to import
by global tender and take away large sections of the
Indian market. Already the World Bank has directed the
State Governments to buy drugs under global tender with
international quotations from at least three countries.
Post-GATT situation
Following the WTO agreement which aimed to impose
Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) regimes in the
pharmaceuticals sector, it was universally acknowledged
that the prices of all new and patented drugs will be
very high. It is pertinent to mention here that nearly
all new and patented drugs are imported where the role of
Government is only to impose duty and no domestic laws
would be applicable to them. Most recently introduced new
drugs are found to be highly priced. Cost of therapy with
some of the newly introduced drugs are depicted in Table
2.
World over concern has been expressed regarding the sharp
rise in cost of therapy with new drugs. Strong IPR regime
has been pursued by international organizations for a
long time and now the WTO agreement will serve their
purpose. Therefore, by the very beginning of the new
century, when a good number of drugs will replace the
ones now in the World Health Organization (WHO) Model
List of Essential Drugs, the high price question has to
be considered seriously. WHO has alerted member nations
in this regard and suggested certain remedies:
"there is concern that accessibility of new and more
effective drugs might be affected. Governments are
obliged to amend their national patent legislation to
meet their commitments under the TRIPS agreement. If
empirical data should provide that new legislation on
patent was causing pharmaceutical prices to rise, then
WHO would aim at advising the countries on ways to
minimize adverse effects. Countries could consider making
use of certain provisions of the agreement for the
purpose of avoiding monopolistic practices and
encouraging competition among products that are essential
for public health." 6
The use of compulsory licensing has been suggested
which may allow certain scope for bargaining and
pressure. The other suggestion is exclusiveness to
patentability which may allow non-granting of patents to
a drug if it poses concern to public health. However,
scope of these processes are highly limited and there
will be chance of patent infringement disputes that may
drag a country to the WTO or into international
litigation. India has survived three years by not
changing its patents law and by not introducing exclusive
marketing rights. It can also endure further pressure and
not meekly change the most useful Indian Patents Act of
1970. This requires a strong political will.
Present scenario
All-round pressure from the industry to withdraw the
current three types of price control - control on bulk
drug prices, some control on formulation and control on
rate of return, has intensified. Government, industry and
consumers are at least of uniform opinion, though from
different perspectives, that price regulation system in
India has become ineffective. The drug industry has again
tempted the Government that if the controls are withdrawn
they would offer incentives to the Government. "The
domestic pharmaceutical industry has offered to provide
all essential drugs at cost price to government."7
A similar offer was made by the industry to the
government in the wake of the 1987 DPCO that they would
supply drugs at 33% less to government if price control
on a number of drugs were substantially reduced. The
Government conceded this demand but the industry did not
keep its commitment.
With much reluctance, the Government has formed the
National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA). The
authority started screening drug prices and initially
revised prices of 49 essential drugs. For instance, it
reduced prices of Ibuprofen and Ranitidine but hiked
prices of Insulin from 4.77% to 12.55%. This was objected
to by the industry which decided to go to Court against
the price revisions.8
Some multinational drug companies and Bulk Drug
Manufacturers' Association took the government to Court
for violating the guidelines of DPCO in reducing the
prices of eight bulk drugs - cefadroxil, ciprofloxacin,
cloxacillin, theophylline, trimethoprim, norfloxacin,
ranitidine and sulfamethoxazole. Court granted stay.9
Similarly Glaxo obtained stay from Mumbai High Court
against the reduction of prices of Ranitidine 150 mg to
24% and of 300 mg to 26%.10
Thus the quasi-legal body NPPA can not discharge
any function if Courts keep staying its decisions and
cases take years to decide. Surprisingly, attack on NPPA
has also come on directly from the parent ministry
itself. The Minister of Chemicals & Fertilizers did
not allow the recommendation of NPPA to reduce price of
Rifampicin, a vital antitubercular drug. The Minister
said that BICP had not taken into account the cost of
production of the Ciba-CKD plant. Weighted average cost
of all three companies - Lupin, Gujarat Biosin and Ciba
CKD - should be taken into account. However, It was the
lapse of the Ciba-CKD, a 100% multinational subsidiary,
that it did not submit cost data in time. Both the
Secretary and Joint Secretary wrote protest notes against
the stay by the Minister. Later the Joint Secretary was
shifted out of the department.11 Though the
NPPA has issued notices to a number of companies for cost
data of different products, no one would now bother to
comply.
Effective control is a
must
From the ineffective control system, if the
government genuinely wants cost control to serve its
social purpose, some important policy decisions will have
to be taken urgently.
- There should be price
control on all Essential Drugs - the Government
has a list now.
- Prices of all drugs
are to be calculated and scheduled under weighted
average process.
- Dumping of bulk drugs
must be stopped and compulsion on bulk drug
production should be reintroduced.
- All dues from the
industry in the DPEA account (an estimated Rs. 5
billion outstanding now) must be recovered. The
same amount may be invested in research.
- Actual cost data of
bulk drug production by the companies must be
publicly available.
- International import
price of all new drugs to be verified before
fixing the selling price.
- Committee should be
formed to evolve methods to save Indian Patents
Act of 1970 considering the price and
availability of new drugs.
- Last but not the
least, use of generic drugs must be promoted at
all levels.
Amitava Guha
References:
- Industry Profile
1997. PhRMA Publication; 1997.
- Jagger SF.
Prescription drug pricing - Implications for
retail pharmacies [Testimony]. US General
Accounting Office.
- Answer to question
No. 341 dated Jun 28, 1994 in the Rajya Sabha.
- The Hindustan Times
dated Sep 23,1997.
- Answer to question
No. 1733 dated Mar 24, 1995 in Rajya Sabha.
- Otten A. The TRIPS
agreement and pharmaceutical policies [Seminar
paper]. WHO Secretariat.
- Business Standard
dated Nov 18, 1997.
- The Hindustan Times
dated Dec 20, 1997.
- Financial Express
dated Jan 2, 1998.
- Business Standard
dated Jan 7, 1998.
- Financial Express
dated Jan 22, 1998.
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