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OD IN HEALTH
CARE : SOME COMMENTS
Our team saw OD in
voluntary health care as one that would facilitate
community health and social change. There are inbuilt
challenges and problems in this approach of using OD
techniques. For the problem situation involved (and
involves):
- working through
voluntary hospitals which are not ready and
willing to move beyond their walls into the wider
socio-economic and, political front.
- socio political
change on the part of other power structures in
the system like professional elites, bureaucracy,
etc. The latter tend to support the medical elite
and its privileges or at least involved in power
conflicts for reallocation or privileges.
- change in the
deep-rooed beliefs of people regarding their
ability to challenge opressive, inhibiting
fiorces.
We discuss these points
furher below.
- Hospitals have all
kinds of resources concentrated in them. When
such accumulationof resources occurs at one
point, people who control the resources, tend to
accumulate more scarce resources. It also leads
to bureaucracy, and a culture which tends to
exclude weak people, poor people and people who
do not have access to knowledge and money.
- The hospital based
system also becomes hierarchial with doctors at
the top of the hierarchy. Doctors are part of of
the modern medical system - a system which is
self perpetuating, in that other elites and
privileged people in the system also tend to
benefit fom this to the exclusion of the poor.
Even health for all and
primary health care are increasingly being seen as areas
of extensions for hospitals and specialised medical
knowledge. The medical profession itself has historically
proved to be one of the most resistant to change-change
towards increasing openness, team work and
demystification. Even if individual doctors change, the
medical system is resistant to change because of enormous
vested interests in terms of money, power and status. For
OD to be successful, it requires trust, openness and
ability to feel equal on the part of all members of the
medical health system. Often we hve found this only in
isolated individuals in the medial system, who do not by
themselves have the power to overcome the enormous forces
of resistance offered by the medical profession.
The medical model of health care either through hospitals
or through the PHCs, has inbuilt aspects that tend to
inspire a feeling of powerlessness and dependency on the
part of the patient. In a poor society,people have other
exploitative forceslike dominance bythe haves, and
dominance related to male chauvinism, higher castes, etc.
The medicl model tends to reinforce these oppressive
feelings of poor people. OD techniques at their present
level of sophisticationare probably not equipped to
question these other oppresive forces, and traditional
belief systems. The roots of peoples beliefs are
inertwind with peoples world-views and existing
socio-economic realities. To some extent it can be said
the OD model has its basis in an implicit faith of people
willing to change by defreezing procedures. The
defreezing would come about by group processes like TA,
T-group, gestalt, process consultation, or role analysis,
survey feedback, etc. Basically these tend to be
effective, in our experience , in individuals and groups
who belong to an organisation broadly susbscribing to the
same broad paradigam of economics, politics, have-have
not and male-female dynamics. In issues involving
participator health a d social change, world views of
various groups are quite different and complicated and it
is doubtful whether they can be changed through short
term and medium term group dynamic processes per se.
OD (and probably much of current management theory) tedns
to under emphasize thatpeople and situations are
political in content and context and especially the fact
that management of health care change is inextrically
interwined with the politics of poverty and
underdevelopment. Dealing with these forces explicitly
tends to threaten the survival and mainenance of
hospitals, PHC systems as well as most orgaisations which
are either well-established or have their roots in the
establishment.
We have observed that the techniques of OD, as known in
OD lierature, tend to be most compatible ( and therefore
has a higher degre of success/effectiveness)with
persons/group of Type A as contrasted to those of Type B.
In Table 5 we indentify some descriptors and
characteristic world views of both typologies. For easier
indentification, weallcallthem organisation persons
(Type A) and movement persons (TypeB).
Both types and the respective world views are somewhat
idealised myths. Real life events pose to the respective
world view holders several contradictory instances of
these respective world views. Actual work process for
both types of individuals is an attempt to resolve (or
supress, in some cases) the tension between the desired
myths and beliefs (M) and the real life contradition (R).
In Table 5 we outline both aspects (M and R).
It should be also noted that in development work, tension
often arises because of presence of Type A and Type B
persons in the same work setting.
In Table 5, we have described R as a set of
posers, doubts, which individuals belonging to the
resepctive typologies face. The list is only illustrative
and not exhaustive.
Table 5
Descrptions and Charteristic World Views of Two
Typologies of Persons/Groups
| |
Type A: Organization Person |
|
Type B: Movement Person |
| 1.M |
Most goals related to socio-
economic change in large systems can be achieved
through formal organisations consisting of
proactive key individuals |
1.M |
Most goals related to socio-economic
change in large systems can be achieved through
mass movements for the same. |
| 1.R |
How do we affect the political
system, corruption, inter class exploitation and
domination and yet keep our formal organisation
alive and sustaining? How important is it to
preserve the organisation? |
1.R |
How do we meet the short term needs
and sufferings of poor people? How long should
they wait for radical changes? Should we in the
short term help create formal organisations for
supply of goods(drugs) and services (medical
care) and other programme oriented activities? |
| 2.M |
Organisations are efficient ways of
achieving above objectives by using material and
human resources economically and effectively. |
2.M |
Organisation are dysfunctional for
the above objectives. Efficiency may have to be
sacrificed for democracy and participation. |
| 2.R |
Are organisations really effective
and efficient in the long term? Of what use is
creating small models of social change? How can
we trigger system wide replication and
transformation? |
2.R |
Are we practising true democracy or
guided democracy? Why can not we be
more openly directive and speed up the process of
consciousness raising? Arent formal
organisations useful? |
| 3.M |
Professionalisation of tasks is an
end in itself and as a means it is highly
desirable for achieving agreed objectives |
3.M |
Professionalisation is contrary to
movement building. It tends to put off the weak
and oppressed from the movement. |
| 3.R |
Professionals are more interested in
the task and their skills. How do we make them
less task oriented and more aware of the broader
perspective of why we do what we do? How do we
prevent technocracy creeping in? Can the
professional ever enter into the skin of the
oppressed? |
3.R |
Professional competence is often
necessary for real accomplishments How does one
coopt the professional for the movement, without
being coopted by élites, and without appearing
to alienate the poor and the weak? |
| 4.M |
Bureaucracy can be contained and
even avoided by appropriate MIS (management
information system), creative operations
research, team building, etc. |
4.M |
Bureaucracy stifles people oriented
movements and at best it is a necessary evil to
kept tightly under control. Cadre based self
discipline and obedience can lead to humans
systems as an alternative to bureaucracy. |
| 4.R |
A great deal of formalisation (and
with it concomitantly, bureaucracy) seems to be
unavoidable as organisations grow. Professionals
seem to hate this, but may be able to accept it
as necessary for organisational discipline. Some
succumb and become more passive. |
4.R |
The worst type of bureaucracy which
movement persons face is the inner core group
bureaucracy, resulting from the needs of the core
group to hold on to position power. Should they
condemn it or tolerate it for the sake of the
movement? One result of emphasis on the
nonformal, non-bureaucratic ideal is that there
are no formal systems of accountability and
evaluation of members who undertake
responsibility. Even the concept of
accountability for routine tasks tends to get
viewed as bureaucratic. |
| 5.M |
Decision making should be ideally
participative (or according to progressive
management theories) but pragmatic considerations
can dictate otherwise. Participation can vary
with competence and maturity of followers
(employees) for the good of the
organisation. |
5.M |
Participation in decision making is
a desirable end in itself. |
| 5.R |
With emphasis on professionalisation
and goal achievement, decision making can become
directive if not authoritarian. At the best of
times participation is limited to formal
parliamentarism (after Braverman) - election of
coordinators, taking decisions by ballot, etc.
This happens without change in world view of
class-relationships or without the acquiring of
genuine skills/expertise by the weak. |
5.R |
In person-centred movements,
followers are persuaded by force of
personality, recourse to self-evident
statements, historical necessity, etc. Here
followers feel the illusion of participation at
some level or the other. |
| 6.M |
Work is an important reference point
for individuals for selfworth, peer esteem |
6.M |
Work is only a part contribution to
the movement building ethos status, etc. |
| 6.R |
Alienating nature of work becomes a
difficult issue to explain away as also the
inherent inequalities which competence related
work generates. |
6.R |
How does one encourage competence in
work and work-related self-esteem without
appearing to focus the individual more than the
movement? - - or otherwise accentuating
inequalities ? |
| 7.M |
Team work is great but individual
talent and genius should also be allowed to
blossom. |
7.M |
Individual talent can blossom but
not at the expense of the team culture. |
| 7.R |
Great amount of hidden
organisational and psychic energy is spent in
balancing individuals (especially
professionals) need for creative space,
team culture needs and organisational needs. |
7.R |
Often tense situations result
wherein the team tries to assert itself.
Individual self-actualisation contrary to team
ethos is discouraged How humane then is the
movement to individuals? |
| 8.M |
The organisation may at least
publicly have humanitarian philosophy and one may
critically question inequitable power structure |
8.M |
Confrontation of basic questions of
inequality and injustice, especially as related
to the goals of the movement, take priority over
all other tasks and issues. |
| 8.R |
Often such questioning is not
allowed if it results in rocking the
organisational boat too severely The Church, for
some inexplicable reason, becomes more important
than the witness of the Christ. |
8.R |
The above often results in the
austere, severe movement person type, who tends
to discount the importance of feelings as also
other basic issues in life, art, science,
technology, etc. The ugly movement person? |
| 9.M |
Hygiene factors (social needs,
safety and security needs, recognition, physical
needs) have to be satisfied before motivators
(like self- worth, esteem, self-actualisation,
etc.) can operate. |
9.M |
Motivators and hygiene needs are
both important |
| 9.R |
The leader/core group on their
motivator trip forget hygiene needs of the lesser
mortals. Often seen as, for instance, in salary
disparities between top and bottom, or other
denial of basic justice, in organisations
fighting for social change. |
9.R |
In practice, members in the movement
who draw energy from and operate on ideals, goals
of the movement, and other such motivators seem
to get peer esteem much to the discomfort of
hygiene hungry members. (See also point 12 below) |
| 10.M |
Knowledge and data base are acquired
to achieve organisational goals and objectives
more effectively. There are large areas of
knowledge and data which are relatively
politics-free. Knowledge for knowledges
sake may be encouraged. |
10.M |
Knowledge and data base generally
relate to critical questions of political
economy. Knowledge for knowledges sake (as
may happen in R & D1 wings of organizations)
is not encouraged. Large areas of knowledge and
data base are part of the politics of the issues. |
| 10.R |
The above seems to result in
spurious objectivity in social issues, and
blurring of wider social implications of
organizational goals. |
10.R |
May result in over labelling of all
professionals and professional knowledge as a
vested interest and therefore ill-equipped to use
that knowledge to liberate people. May also
result in romanticisation of peoples
traditions, beliefs, traditional medicines, etc. |
| 11.M |
Work and family life can have large
areas of separate identity. Ideally, they are
sought to be integrated |
11.M |
Work and family life (and for some
love life) are aspects of the movement ethos.
(There is no such thing as separate work life) |
| 11.R |
Often the integration is symbolic
(viz: departmental picnics) and scratch the
surface. This is because the organisation as such
can get overwhelmed by agendas of oppression
within families and communities. Dealing with
these threatens to dilute the
original purpose of the organisation. |
11.R |
In practice, the above view can
alienate members from the movement without them
being aware of it. Tends to result in uniformity
of world view with a possible low tolerance of
variety and lack of interest in cultivating
versatility. |
| 12.M |
People will with good management
own organisations and feel loyal to
it. |
12.M |
Questions of maturity and success of
movement and related goals and activities of the
individual need to be constantly examined for
vitality and authenticity of movement. |
| 12.R |
In practice, individual agenda like
salary, career, status tend to dominate personal
conversation - especially now after the entry of
professional, career oriented development
workers. So success of the
organisation is a preoccupation of a few key
individuals only. Nevertheless there are
exceptional individuals who appear to be working
out of pure commitment |
12.R |
Material/hygiene needs of the self
are either suppressed or seen as of little
significance to the maturity of the movement.
Questions of career pattern and life plan of
individual in movement tend to be viewed as
inappropriate and irrelevant or at best viewed
uncomfortably. |
Some questions tha
can be posed at this stage are : Do the strengths of OD
theory and practice have relevance for mass movement
persons, especially with regard to health care? What
alternatives in terms of social action does one have for
mass movement related to health care?
Let us take the former question. The answer, from our
experience, seems to be that the strengths of OD are
certainly relevant to movement persons. Activists groups
in India, for instance, who can be identified with
movement person collectives, have many a time split
because of insufficient appreciation of intra-personal
and inter/intra group feeling level processes 1. In some
activist groups awareness of such processes has not led
to the logical goal of team -building or movement,
because of absence of concrete processs skills which OD
practitioners in contrast tend to have. There are also
some austere activists, who consider such feeling level
process interventions a luxury for the movement. Probably
we are historically too close to the post 1970 phenomena
of voluntary work/activist work to understand the various
forces at play in activist work. But it does seem a
paradox that persons who believe and work for the
strengthening of peoples unitr, cannot themselves
be united. This is the challenge to the assumption and
values of OD theory and practice.
Choice
Before the Activists
What we then
experience from the above discussion, as also that of
Table 5, is that when we talk of OD, health care nd
social change--at the same time --the theatre of action
is vast. The issues to be dealt with are numerous. Do we
aspire for change in health care delivery patterns
through existing health oganizaion or do we set up
radical alternativces? Do we--if we believe that health
is related to poverty that is related to development
patterns, which in turn is related to opressive power
structures-do we, then work for social
change and social action (the movement persons
preferences) or just restirct to OD and change
through organizations (in one conventional
sense of a geographically and physically confined and
limited organization)?
The answer is difficult at the individual, personal
level, for the choices seemingly obvious, are not in fact
so. Even at the system level, there is a need for
institutional frameworks which can guarantee a people
oriented health care delivery sysem- a need hat probably
cannot wait for a total systems change, revolution of
sorts of the Chinese or Cuban kind.
However then as social activists and health care
activists, dowe not focus on the movement
issues: generation of amass action programme that
involves a considerable change in peoples
consciousness and perceptions about their own needs and
desires? The answer again is not obvious, though
seemingly so. The case of Chinnamma Mathew, in Appendix
1, amply illustrates the dilemmas, choices and the world
line of a development /health care activist as he /she
progresses through life and encounters several different
contexts and realities.
Even if one is involved normal or normative
OD, the values and atitudes that inspirlarge scale social
action would be highly useful in shaping the meaning of
day-to-day organizational work processes. Internally, I
would appear that social activists need to have
sub-personalities operating --the organisation person and
the movement person -- with a facile facility to switch
from one to the other.
Activists who have been involved purely in agitational
issue oriented political action have often reported the
need to take up constructive programmes
involving a move towards institution building and
organization formation even if only to prevent the
increasing disinterest of the ordinary people in the
agitational programme. Those involved in such a move may
well ponder over appendix 2. Conditions for Failure
and Success in OD Efforts. They have been derived
from the experiences of the authors as OD facilitators in
health care and especially hospital settings, and have a
lesson or tow for wider organisational contexts.
In table 5 we discussed the myths that the organizational
person/movement person tries to actualize and the real
life tensions and contradictions encountered in the
processs. Notwithstanding, the one or the other,
tensionsand contraditions, seem built-in--whether as a
social change activist or as an OD practitioner.
Where this logically leads to is not clear, but one path
seems to be the politics of nonviolent action. We discuss
the strategies of nonviolent action in a move towards a
holistic society in Chapter 10.
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